Last Updated:
Led by union minister Dharmendra Pradhan, the centre has accused the DMK government of trying to score political points, while the DMK has hit back with its “Hindi imposition” charge and wrapped it with a strong campaign on state rights, linguistic autonomy
For the DMK, language is lifeblood and a home ground. (PTI File)
Over the past several weeks, several Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) leaders, including chief minister MK Stalin and his son, DCM Udhay Stalin, have all vowed – at least once – to sacrifice whatever it takes to protect Tamil and its undisputed space in the lives and cultural fabric of the people of Tamil Nadu.
Nothing new. But this is something recurring and significant.
For the DMK, language is lifeblood and a home ground. Right from their first victory in 1967 to several instances since then, any threat – real or perceived – is a trigger point to rally the charge of the Centre “imposing” Hindi and fan it out in many directions – state autonomy, linguistic rights, and education policy. These are intertwined, complex issues steeped in the legacy and path traversed by the DMK.
In Tamil Nadu, anti-Hindi imposition agitations led by students have been perpetuating the fight against overreach by the centre. The state recognises January 25 as Language Martyrs Day, recognising people who sacrificed their lives in agitations. This year, Chief Minister MK Stalin paid floral tributes at the memorial of Thalamuthu and Natarajan, two martyrs who died in prison after their arrests during protests pre-Independence. Living through the names of official buildings and in cinema references here and there, these protests occupy contemporary political consciousness in Tamil Nadu even today.
NEP TO RUPEE
The exchange of letters between the union education ministry and Tamil Nadu government needs to be seen in this backdrop. The centre had asked Tamil Nadu to implement the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 in full, should it want PM Shri schools in Tamil Nadu. Tamil Nadu had opposed the requirement of implementing NEP 2020, as it would “foist Hindi” on the state and other “regressive” aspects.
However, what could have been just an inter-governmental exchange over implementing a central scheme enters the political sphere, followed by an aggressive and innovative campaign that at once tugs at the nostalgia (DMK partymen daubing black paint on Hindi signboards at railway stations) and replacing the Rupee symbol with the Tamil Alphabet.
Will this political point-scoring have a larger meaning ahead of the elections? Possible, but not likely given that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would like to corner the DMK on key issues, including administrative, social and political – dynasty politics, liquor (raids are a case in point), corruption et al.
For the DMK, the past few weeks would have served as a training ground – not that it needs any – to remain quick to capitalise on issues and turn them to its advantage.
Because, as the DMK has proved so many times in the past — there are no weekends for politicians.
